Sunday, October 14, 2012

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Julius Kambarage Nyerere

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Nyerere, 1981
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Nyerere, 1981 (credit: Hanos/Liaison Agency)
(born March 1922, Butiama, Tanganyikadied Oct. 14, 1999, London, Eng.) First prime minister of independent Tanganyika (1961), first president of Tanzania (196485), and the major force behind the Organization of African Unity (OAU; now African Union). He taught in Catholic schools before studying history and economics in Britain. As leader of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), he advocated peaceful change, social equality, and ethnic harmony. In elections in 195860 TANU won many seats in the legislature. As president he collectivized village farmlands, carried out mass literacy campaigns, and instituted universal education. He sought to make Tanzania economically self-sufficient, an effort that ultimately failed. In 1979 he authorized the invasion of Uganda to overthrow Idi Amin. Within the OAU he advocated the overthrow of white-suprematist governments in South Africa, Rhodesia, and South West Africa. After retiring from politics in 1990, Nyerere devoted the rest of his life to farming and diplomacy.
For more information on Julius Kambarage Nyerere, visit Britannica.com.
Gale Encyclopedia of Biography:

Julius Kamberage Nyerere

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922) was a Tanzanian statesman and political philosopher who became the first president of Tanzania. His carefully reasoned and well-presented policies for the development of Tanzania led to a reputation as Africa's most original thinker.
During the often turbulent era of the 1950s in Africa, as the various colonies worked to gain independence from their European masters, the United Nations Trust Territory of Tanganyika was a significant exception to the norm in its quiet progress to freedom. This was largely because of the leadership of Julius Nyerere. His recognition of the political realities within Tanganyika and his refusal to be associated with any schemes of racial bigotry made him a figure of world interest. His continuing leadership of his country after independence within these lines led to his recognition as one of Africa's most creative politicians.
Julius Nyerere was born in March 1922 at Butiama, the son of Nyerere Burito and his eighteenth wife, Mugaya. Nyerere Burito (1860-1942) was one of the several chiefs of the Zanaki, a small tribal grouping of less than 50,000 individuals. The Zanaki were a poor people, and the chiefs were little richer than their subjects. Julius Nyerere early demonstrated a lively intellect; he was sent to the Native Authority School at Musoma, where he impressed his teachers enough to be encouraged to attempt entry to the important Tanganyika Government School at Tabora. He gained admission in 1937, and again he earned the commendation of his teachers.
In one episode at Tabora, Nyerere acted in a manner that foreshadowed his political course. When appointedprefect of his house, he learned that prefects received special dining privileges, as well as extensive disciplinarypowers over fellow students. In the interests of equality, Nyerere successfully agitated to have the special privileges abolished. Nyerere entered Makerere University College in January 1943, where he became one of a group of lively young East Africans discussing the political problems of their countries, which then were all under British rule. He was especially noted for his debating abilities. All during these years Nyerere showed a consistent interest in the Roman Catholic religion; he was baptized in December 1943.
Political Beginnings
Receiving his diploma of education in 1945, Nyerere returned to Tanganyika to teach history and biology at St. Mary's College, Tabora, a Roman Catholic secondary school. He began his political life by joining the Tanganyika African Association, an organization founded in 1929 by British officials to provide a discussion forum for African opinion. He was elected treasurer of the Tabora branch. The association, however, was not a very vital body, since most educated Africans in Tanganyika were in government service, which by British decision precluded them from anyovert political activity.
Nyerere decided that he needed more education; in 1949 he entered Edinburgh University, where he decided against working for an honors degree, instead studying a broad range of subjects. Nyerere later said, "I evolved the whole of my political philosophy while I was there." He received a master's degree in 1952 and returned to Tanganyika, where he was appointed history master at St. Francis' College, Pugu, near the country's capital, Dar es Salaam.
As one of the few Africans with a Western education in Tanganyika, Nyerere was soon caught up in political life. In April 1953 he was elected president of the Tanganyika, African Association, devoting his energies to an effort torevitalize that organization into an effective medium for African interests. Perceiving that this was a hopeless task, he organized a new group and on July 7, 1954, announced the formation of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). It was the first African political body within Tanganyika; Nyerere was unanimously elected president.
The early years of TANU were difficult ones; Tanganyika's lack of educated Africans free of government restriction and its poor communications system hindered organizational work. But limited progress was made, spear-headed by a group comprising Nyerere, Paul Bomani, Oscar Kambona, and Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa. An opportunity opened for the party because of Tanganyika's relationship to the United Nations. One of the international body's periodic visiting missions went to Tanganyika in 1954. Some of its members were sympathetic to African aspirations; they recommended setting a date for the territory's independence. The British naturally reacted against what they considered ill-informed interference, with one result of the dispute being TANU's decision to send Nyerere to present the party's case before the Trusteeship Council in New York. The reasoned eloquence of his statements about Tanganyika's future drew considerable attention, although no immediate results ensued.
By this period Nyerere was devoting so much time to politics that he found it necessary, in 1955, to resign his teaching post. He did this with considerable regret, for he loved teaching, a fact illustrated by the name most commonly applied to him today within his country, mwalimu, the teacher. Without fixed employment, and lacking any personal fortune, Nyerere spent a very difficult period of his life as he traveled widely within Tanganyika to further organize TANU. He also had two additional appearances before the United Nations, in December 1956 and June 1957, where he reinforced the favorable impression made in 1955.
The British could not help but recognize Nyerere's growing influence. In 1957 he was appointed to the Legislative Council, which remained under British control, but when he was unable to make any progress for the policies of TANU, Nyerere resigned in disgust.
In 1958 TANU had to make an important decision. The British had scheduled elections for Tanganyika under a scheme which reserved seats for members of the country's African, Asian, and European communities. Voting, however, was to be by a common, and therefore largely African, electorate. Many members of TANU were against this effort to impose minority representation, but Nyerere carried his point of view for participation in a stormyconference at Tabora. The result was to ensure a peaceful progress to independence. TANU swept the 1958 and 1959 elections.
Toward Independence
This success was matched with an important change in the British leadership of the territory; a new governor, Sir Richard Turnbull, succeeded the more conservative Sir Edward Twining. Turnbull was prepared to support Tanganyika's drive for independence, and he preferred to work in close collaboration with Nyerere so that a stable country would emerge. Their joint efforts culminated in the elections of 1960, when TANU won 70 of 71 seats in the legislature; Nyerere was asked to form the new government, thereby becoming Tanganyika's first elected chief minister. Independence followed quickly on Dec. 9, 1961.
But the success of TANU made obvious many defects in the structure of the party. Nyerere realized that TANU's real work would come with independence; therefore in a dramatic move he resigned as head of the government in January 1962 to devote his activities to rebuilding the party. His work was successful, and he was overwhelmingly elected in the 1962 elections as the first president of Tanganyika, which became a republic on Dec. 9, 1962.
Political Philosophy
During the years of political struggle, Nyerere had developed the outlines for the policies which his economically poor country should follow. With the motto of Uhuru na Kazi (Freedom and Work), he at once mounted a major attack on what he considered the three major enemies of his people - poverty, ignorance, and disease. Nyerere believed that it was unwise for a poor country to depend on the uncertain aid of the richer nations for progress. Instead, Tanganyikans were encouraged to utilize their own strengths, especially their ample manpower, to develop their country themselves.
A series of self-help schemes in road building and other construction projects during 1963-1964 exemplified this approach. In this struggle for human dignity Nyerere found no place for an elite of officeholders, and various schemes were initiated to break down any emerging class barriers within the country. This line of development was most forcefully stated in Nyerere's Arusha Declaration of 1967.
In January 1964 Nyerere had to face the most serious crisis of his political career. The Tanganyikan army mutinied, demanding higher pay and the full Africanization of the officer corps. Nyerere was forced into hiding, and stability was regained only when British forces were called in to restore order. Part of the reason for this unrest was the Zanzibar revolution of January 1964, when revolutionary groups overthrew that island's Arab-led government. The new radical government, with heavy Communist leanings, was subsequently encouraged to unite with Tanganyika. The result was the united country of Tanzania, with Abeid Karume of Zanzibar serving under Nyerere as first vice president.
Looking Back
By 1967, with western nations such as the United States cautious about investing in Nyerere's socialist country, TANU adopted the system of broad government control called the Arusha Declaration, designed to regulate economic and social development. This measure called for complete government control of all means of production and distribution, demanded broad development projects, presented a code of ethics for the nation's political leaders, and emphasized the two main themes of egalitarianism and self-reliance along the lines of Ujamaa. Nyerere and TANU hoped to break down emerging class barriers and promote universal human dignity.
In the 40th anniversary Africa Report published in 1994, Nyerere reminisced about the future of Africa and his country's political path during his 24-year tenure when his people enjoyed more equality, rights, stability, common language (Swahili) and national identity than most other Africans.
He cited the dramatic change from an impoverished nation that had only 12 doctors for nine million people when he took office. By his departure in 1985, he said it was transformed to a country, although still poor, with "thousands" of Tanzanian-trained doctors. All children were receiving seven years of education where before fewer than half received schooling, and nine out of 10 Tanzanians were literate. He told of a people no longer subservient who had learned to stand upright and could look their former colonial rulers straight in the eye.
But by 1992, Nyerere was on the political sidelines, although he had remained head of the ruling party until two years before. By then, the country was moving away from his brand of African socialism embodied in the principle ofUjamaa (familyhood) and moving toward privitization.
Nyerere saw many of those previous gains such as schooling for all children slipping away after the country lost control of its economy to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund beginning in the early 1980s.
Looking toward Africa as a whole, Nyerere said its countries needed time to develop their own "people-centered" democratic political systems, able to forge their futures cooperatively across national boundaries, rather than be pressured by rich European countries to adopt those systems.
Further Reading
Nyerere's own writings offered the best guide to his political philosophy: African Socialism (1961); Freedom and Unity(1967); Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism (1968); and Freedom and Socialism (1968). William Edgett Smith, We Must Run While They Walk: A Portrait of Africa's Julius Nyerere (1971), was a penetrating biographical study. Much information on his life was available in Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika (1965). Recommended for general historical background are B. A. Ogot and J. A. Kieran, eds., Zamani: A Survey of East African History (1968), and I. N. Kimambo and A. J. Temu, eds., A History of Tanzania (1969). Relevant articles can be found in the Economist November 2, 1996 and Africa Report September/October 1994. An article on the Arusha Declaration can be found on the internet athttp://www.journalism.wisc.edu/olw/worldnews/Africa/tanzania.html (July 29, 1997).
Gale Contemporary Black Biography:

Julius Nyerere

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Personal Information
Born Kambarage Nyerere, March of 1922, in Butiama-Musoma, Lake Victoria, Tanganyika; took the name Julius when baptized a Catholic; son of Nyerere Burito (village chief of the Zanaki tribe) and Mugaya; married Maria Gabriel Magige (a teacher), January 24, 1953; children: five sons, two daughters.
Education: Makerere College, Uganda, graduated in 1945; Edinburgh University, Scotland, M.A., 1952.
Politics: Chama cha Mapinduzi (Revolutionary Party).
Religion: Catholic.
Career
Biology and history teacher at St. Mary's College, Tabora, Tanganyika, 1946-49; history teacher at St. Francis' College, Pugu, Tanganyika, 1953-55. Elected president, Tanganyika African Association (TAA), 1953; transformed TAA into Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), and served as president, 1954-77; appointed to temporary position on Tanganyika Legislative Council (TLC), 1954; addressed United Nations Trusteeship Council, 1955; elected member of TLC, 1958-60; chief minister of TLC, 1960; prime minister of Tanganyika, 1961-62; president, Tanganyika Republic, 1962-64; president, the United Republic of Tanzania, 1964-85; founder and chairman of Chama cha Mapinduzi, 1977-90. First chancellor, University of East Africa, 1963-70; chancellor, University of Dar es Salaam, 1970-85, Sokoine University of Agriculture, 1984--; chairman, Organization of African Unity, 1984.
Life's Work
When he stepped down as president of Tanzania in 1985, one of the few African rulers ever to relinquish powervoluntarily, Julius Nyerere cemented his reputation as one of the continent's greatest leaders. The first African from his former British colony, Tanganyika, to attend a university in the mother country, he returned to spearhead his nation's struggle for independence, becoming its first president. Re-elected four times, he also earned the right to be called Mwalimu, the Teacher, by his countrymen. Nyerere's 24-year leadership was highlighted by the peaceful union of Tanganyika and neighboring Zanzibar into Tanzania and his commitment to remake the nation into a self-sufficientegalitarian socialist society based on cooperative agriculture.
Though his economic policies fell short of his far-sighted goal, Nyerere managed to introduce free and universal education, greatly raising the nation's literacy rate, and vastly improved health care for the majority of the population. He also instilled a sense of national pride among Tanzania's diverse tribes, sparing it the vicious tribal conflicts of so many other African countries. Besides being a major force behind the modern Pan-African movement, Nyerere helped found the Organization of African Unity, united five African nations to successfully pressure the white-supremacist government of Rhodesia into becoming black-ruled Zimbabwe, and ousted Idi Amin, the tyrannicaldictator of Uganda, from power. His accomplishments and stature have led many to call him "the conscience of Africa" and have made him one of the Third World's most prominent statesmen and spokesmen.
It was raining so hard the day Nyerere was born in March of 1922 that he was named Kambarage after an ancestral spirit who lived in the rain. Home was the village of Butiama, southeast of Lake Victoria and west of the Serengeti Plain in the British colony of Tanganyika. Years later, when he was baptized a Catholic, he took the name Julius. Nyerere's father, Nyerere Burito, was village chief of the Zanaki, one of the smallest of Tanganyika's 126 tribes. Young Nyerere, one of eight children from his father's fifth marriage, had a traditional tribal childhood--growing up in a leaky mud hut, having his teeth filed in the Zanaki manner, and spending much of his younger years hunting. Being the son of the chief, he went to school at 12 for instruction in Catholicism, Swahili, and English. He scored first in the 1936 territorial examinations and was enrolled in the Tabora Governmental School, originally built for the sons of tribal chieftains.
On graduating, he entered Makerere College in neighboring Uganda, where he organized the campus chapter of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA), begun years earlier as a social group for African civil servants. After his 1945 graduation from Makerere, he taught history and biology by day at St. Mary's College, a Catholic school in Tabora, and English to the townspeople during the evening. Many nights he stayed up late discussing politics and Tanganyika's future with his friends.
With a grant from St. Mary's and a government scholarship, Nyerere traveled to Scotland in 1949 to attend Edinburgh University, becoming the first Tanganyikan to study at a British university. During his years abroad, he became enthralled with the socialist ideology of the British labor movement. Returning home with a master's degree in history and economics in 1952, he married Maria Magige the following year and began teaching history at St. Francis' College in Pugu, just outside Dar es Salaam, the colonial capital and largest city of Tanganyika.
Small, unpretentious, soft-spoken, and quick to laugh, Nyerere impressed his less-educated countrymen with hiswillingness to talk and work with them as equals. In addition, he was a dynamic orator and unusually politically perceptive. Three months after arriving at St. Francis', Nyerere was elected president of the TAA. Shortly thereafter, in July of 1954, he transformed the TAA into a political party, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), and began agitating for Tanganyikan independence. Under his leadership, the organization espoused anticolonialism but stressed peaceful change, racial harmony, and social equality for all.
Recognizing his growing stature, Tanganyika's British governor, Sir Edward Twining, appointed Nyerere to a temporary vacancy on the colony's Legislative Council in 1954. The following year TANU sent Nyerere to New York to address the United Nations Trusteeship Council. Granted a hearing, he asked that the UN set a date for Tanganyikan independence and recognize the principle that the colony's future government be led by Africans. Though the British government rejected his demands, the debate established Nyerere as his country's preeminent nationalist spokesman.
Returning to Tanganyika, he resigned his teaching post to devote himself fully to campaigning for independence. For the next several years he tirelessly toured the countryside preaching anticolonialism without racial strife while building TANU into a powerful political organization, the membership of which grew from 100,000 in 1955 to a half million in 1957.
This hard work paid off in 1958 when TANU candidates won all the seats available to them on the Legislative Council in the colony's first free elections. In the unrestricted election of 1960, TANU candidates won 70 of the total 71 seats, and Nyerere became chief minister. The understanding and mutual trust that developed between Nyerere and the new British governor, Sir Richard Turnbull, during independence negotiations helped make the bloodless transition period one of the most peaceful of any African nation. Other key factors were the large number of tribes in Tanganyika, which made it difficult for any one to dominate affairs, and the relatively small number of whites living in the colony.
Nyerere became prime minister in May of 1961 when Tanganyika achieved self-government; complete independence came that December. Six weeks after independence, Nyerere resigned his post to devote himself to fortifying TANU to aid "the creation of a country in which the people take a full and active part in the fight against poverty, ignorance, and disease," he was quoted as saying in a biography by William Edgett Smith. Within six months, the new TANU-led government had abolished the powers and salaries of the country's hereditary chiefs.
But Nyerere could not stay away long. He was elected president of the new republic in November of 1962, receiving 98.1 percent of the vote. Pondering the meaning of a one-party democracy, he wrote a pamphlet, "Democracy and the Party System," explaining that parties like TANU "were not formed to challenge any ruling group of our own people; they were formed to challenge foreigners who ruled us. They were not, therefore, political parties, i.e., factions, but nationalist movements."
Following the election, TANU opened party membership to non-Africans and began the "Africanization" of the country's civil service. Several hundred British employees were cashiered with severance pay and left Tanganyika so that by the end of 1963, roughly half of the senior- and middle-grade posts were held by Africans, many insufficiently trained. Western nations stepped up their criticism of Tanganyika's one-party system. "Africanization" officially ended in 1964.
The new president turned his attention to African affairs, seeking means to better unite the continent's newly independent nations. He was one of the founders of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963 and the driving force behind Tanganyika, Kenya, and Uganda forming the East African Community in 1967, a common market and administrative union that operated a wide range of shared services for the three countries.
Meanwhile, trouble was brewing at home. Zanzibar, an island 24 miles off the coast of Tanganyika, received its independence from Great Britain in December of 1963. One month later, the island's African majority successfully revolted, seizing power from the traditional ruling Arab minority. Scarcely a week later, in January of 1964, a small group of Tanganyikan soldiers mutinied, causing Nyerere to flee the State House. Simultaneously, similar military coups erupted in neighboring Kenya and Uganda. All three governments immediately called on Great Britain for military assistance against their own armies. With British help, the attempted coups were quickly extinguished.
But Zanzibar's continued instability worried Nyerere. Its new government quickly accepted aid from China, East Germany, and the U.S.S.R., becoming in the eyes of the West the "Cuba of East Africa." In April of 1964, Tanganyika and Zanzibar merged to form a new country, the United Republic of Tanzania, with Nyerere as its president. The union was widely interpreted as a victory for Western interests in the region.
Nyerere was re-elected president in 1965 with 96 percent of the vote. On a state visit to China that year, he was impressed by its progress since liberation and struck by the relevance of Chinese problems to those of Tanzania. Close relations ensued between the two countries, and the Chinese agreed to finance and build a new railroad to connect the Tanzanian capital and major seaport, Dar es Salaam, with the neighboring, landlocked country of Zambia.
Nyerere's shift toward the East continued when he broke off diplomatic relations with England in 1965 over Rhodesia--Britain had allowed white settlers in that African colony to declare independence, thereby thwarting the wishes of the black majority. Nyerere organized five African nations to officially oppose white-minority rule in that runaway colony as well as in South Africa, Namibia, and the Portuguese colonies of Mozambique and Angola. To that end, Tanzania became the home base for nationalist freedom movements in those lands. By 1992, all but South Africa were independent and governed by black leaders.
Condemning white racism, oppression, and misrule while ignoring similar actions by black rulers was not within Nyerere's conscience; in 1972 he denounced Uganda's Idi Amin when the brutal dictator expelled all Asians from that country. When Ugandan troops invaded and annexed a small border area of Tanzania in 1978, Nyerere appealed to the OAU for action, without success. The following year, 45,000 Tanzanian troops supported Ugandan exiles seeking to liberate their homeland. Within months Amin was toppled and former Ugandan president Milton Obote returned to power. Africa had successfully policed itself.
From the beginning, Nyerere's goal had been to build his largely rural, impoverished country into an egalitarian socialist society based on cooperative agriculture. His 1967 Arusha Declaration set out the principles by which he meant to accomplish this. It collectivized village farmlands, established mass literacy programs, instituted free and universal education, and nationalized the country's banks, commerce, and major industries. At the same time, the declaration established a strict code of ethics for political leaders, prohibiting them from receiving more than one salary, owning rental property, or holding shares in private corporations. Nyerere also stressed that Tanzania must become economically self-sufficient, depending on its own peasant agricultural economy rather than foreign aid and investment.
Calling his experiment in African socialism ujamaa (Swahili for familyhood), Nyerere emphasized economic cooperation, racial and tribal harmony, and self-sacrifice. But his dream came at a cost: More than 13 million peasants were resettled, sometimes forcibly, into 8,000 cooperative villages so that medical services, water, and schools could be more easily provided. State-run corporations, called parastatals, set and controlled imports, exports, agricultural production, and ran the newly nationalized industries.
Results were discouraging. Agricultural production plummeted, with the yield of some crops like sisal and cashews declining by 50 percent. Food became scarce, and agricultural imports skyrocketed in order to feed the growing population. Peasant farmers were never able to accept the new collective farms, and by 1985, nearly 85 percent of them had returned to subsistence farming. Of the 330 companies nationalized, in industries ranging from clothes to cloves, nearly half went bankrupt; the survivors were working at only 20 percent of capacity. Declining government revenues coupled with increasing expenditures caused inflation-producing budget deficits. The national currency fell in value, per capita income was $250--one of the lowest in the world--and Tanzania's gross national product (GNP) decreased annually. Only the infusion of $10 billion in foreign aid from 1970 to 1990 kept the economy afloat.
Critics blamed poor management and a bloated, inefficient state bureaucracy, which controlled the failed parastatals,for turning the country into "an economic basket case," according to an international banker quoted in a 1985 issue of Time. Supporters ascribed the failure of ujamaa to collapsing world market prices for Tanzanian agricultural exports like coffee, tea, tobacco, and cotton, while prices for the country's imports, including oil and machinery, rose sharply. The dissolution of the East African Community in 1977 and war with Uganda two years later also greatly taxed the national treasury.
Yet in many ways Nyerere's policies vastly improved the lives of his countrymen. Tanzania has one of the highest adult-literacy rate in Africa, primary school enrollment has jumped from 25 percent of the child population at independence to 95 percent, 50 percent of the population now has clean water, the number of hospitals and rural health centers--as well as doctors--has zoomed, infant mortality has declined, and life expectancy has increased from 35 to 51 years. Tanzania's citizens possess national pride, there is little tribal strife, and the country remains politically stable, a rarity on the African continent.
Though his dreams of a Pan-African union and ujamaa did not materialize, Nyerere remained a popular figure in Tanzania and throughout Africa. Re-elected president in 1970, 1975, and 1980, he retired in 1985 but continued as chairman of the Chama cha Mapinduzi (Revolutionary Party), created by the merger of TANU and Zanzibar's ruling party, until 1990. Being one of the few African rulers to voluntarily relinquish power only reinforced his moral stature and worldwide perception of his personal integrity. And typical of Nyerere's overriding commitment to Tanzania was his choice of successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, former president of Zanzibar, a move designed to preserve the unity of the nation.
Nyerere's 24-year rule was unsullied by scandal or corruption, a rarity on the African continent, and his devotion to egalitarian ideals was never seriously questioned. Apparently uninterested in seeking personal wealth, he maintained modest housing and had earned a presidential salary lower than that of his cabinet ministers. "He is above corruption," stated a political opponent quoted in Time on Nyerere's 1985 retirement. "He never sought power for power's sake. He is a real man of the people."
President Nyerere died of leukemia on October 14, 1999, at St. Thomas' Hospital in London, England.
Awards
Third World Award, 1981; named Distinguished Son of Africa, 1988; honorary degrees.
Works
Writings
  • Uhuru na Umoja (Freedom and Unity), 1967.
  • Uhuru na Ujamaa (Freedom and Socialism), 1968.
  • Ujamaa (Essays on Socialism), 1969.
  • Uhuru na Maendeleo (Freedom and Development), 1973.
  • Also author of the pamphlet "Democracy and the Party System"; translator of Julius Caesar and The Merchant of Venice into Swahili.
Further Reading
Books
  • Smith, William Edgett, We Must Run While They Walk: A Portrait of Africa's Julius Nyerere, Random House, 1971.
Periodicals
  • Christian Century, March 1, 1972.
  • Current History, April 1985; May 1988.
  • Economist, June 2, 1990; August 24, 1991.
  • Harper's, July 1981.
  • Newsweek, October 26, 1981.
  • New Yorker, March 3, 1986.
  • Time, November 4, 1985.
  • U.S. News & World Report, March 26, 1979.
— James J. Podesta
Columbia Encyclopedia:

Julius Nyerere

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Nyerere, Julius Kambarage (käm'bərä'gā nī'ərā'rā), c.1922-99, African political leader, first president (1964-85) of Tanzania. Educated at Makerere College (Uganda) and the Univ. of Edinburgh, he taught in mission schools and founded (1954) the Tanganyika African National Union. Leader of the opposition (1954-60), he became chief minister after the 1960 elections. When Tanganyika attained independence (1961) he was prime minister and when it became a republic (1962), Nyerere was elected president. He brought Tanganyika and Zanzibar into a union as the republic of Tanzania (1964). Establishing a one-party state led by the Revolutionary Party of Tanzania (CCM), Nyerere authored a policy of African socialism characterized by economic self-reliance, egalitarianism, and local rural development, but it was ultimately unsuccessful economically. He engineered the ouster of Idi Amin in Uganda in 1979. Nyerere retired from the presidency in 1985 but remained chairman of CCM until 1990.
Bibliography
See biography by G. Leibenow (1987).
Wikipedia on Answers.com:

Julius Nyerere

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Mwalimu Julius Nyerere
1st President of Tanzania
In office
26 April 1964 – 5 November 1985
Prime MinisterPost Abolished (1962–1972)
Rashidi Kawawa (1972–1977)
Edward Sokoine (1977–1980)
Cleopa Msuya (1980–1983)
Edward Sokoine (1983–1984)
Salim Ahmed Salim (1984–1985)
Vice PresidentAbeid Karume (1964–1972)
Aboud Jumbe (1972–1984)
Ali Hassan Mwinyi (1984–1985)
Succeeded byAli Hassan Mwinyi
1st President of Tanganyika
In office
9 December 1962 – 25 April 1964
Prime MinisterRashidi Kawawa
Preceded byOffice Created
Succeeded byOffice Abolished
1st Prime Minister of Tanganyika
In office
1 May 1961 – 22 January 1962
MonarchElizabeth II
Preceded byOffice Created
Succeeded byRashidi Kawawa
1st Chief Minister of Tanganyika
In office
2 September 1960 – 1 May 1961
MonarchElizabeth II
Preceded byOffice Created
Succeeded byOffice Abolished
Personal details
Born13 April 1922
Butiama, Tanganyika
Died14 October 1999 (aged 77)
London, United Kingdom
Resting placeButiama, Tanzania
NationalityTanzanian
Political partyCCM
Spouse(s)Maria Nyerere
ChildrenAndrew
Anna
Magige
John
Makongoro
Madaraka
Rosemary
Alma materMakerere University
University of Edinburgh (MA)
ProfessionTeacher, Politician
ReligionRoman Catholic
Websitehttp://www.juliusnyerere.info
Julius Kambarage Nyerere (13 April 1922 – 14 October 1999) was aTanzanian politician who served as the first President of Tanzaniaand previously Tanganyika, from the country's founding in 1961 until his retirement in 1985.
Born in Tanganyika to Nyerere Burito (1860–1942), Chief of the Zanaki,[1] Nyerere was known by the Swahili name Mwalimu or 'teacher', his profession prior to politics.[2] He was also referred to asBaba wa Taifa (Father of the Nation).[3] Nyerere received his higher education at Makerere University in Kampala and the University of Edinburgh. After he returned to Tanganyika, he worked as a teacher. In 1954, he helped form the Tanganyika African National Union.
In 1961, Nyerere was elected Tanganyika's first Prime Minister, and following independence, in 1962, the country's first President. In 1964, Tanganyika became politically united with Zanzibar and was renamed to Tanzania. In 1965, a one-party election returned Nyerere to power. During the first years Nyerere created a single-party system and used "preventive detention" to eliminate trade unions and opposition.
Nyerere issued the Arusha Declaration, which outlined his socialistvision of ujamaa that came to dominate his policies. The policies led to a collapsing economy, systematic corruption, and unavailability of goods. In the early 1970s Nyerere ordered his security forces to forcibly transfer much of the population to collective farms and, because of opposition from villagers, often burned villages down. The campaign pushed the nation to the brink of starvation and made it dependent on foreign food aid.
In 1985, after more than two decades in power, he relinquished power to his hand-picked successor. Nyerere left Tanzania as one of the poorest, least developed, and most foreign aid-dependent countries in the world.[4] He remained the chairman of the Chama Cha Mapinduzi. He died of leukemia in London in 1999. In 2009, Nyerere was named "World Hero of Social Justice" by Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann.[5]
Contents

Early life and education

Kambarage Nyerere was born on 13 April 1922 in the town ofButiama in Tanganyika's Mara Region.[6] He was one of 26 children of Nyerere Burito (1860–1942), Chief of the Zanaki.[7] He began attending Government Primary School in Musoma at the age of 12 where he completed the four year programme in three years and went on to Tabora Government School in 1937. He later described Tabora School as being "as close to Eton as you can get in Africa."[8]In 1943 he was baptised as a Catholic, taking the baptismal name of Julius.[9][10] He received a scholarship to attend Makerere Universityin Kampala, Uganda. Here he founded the Tanganyika Welfare Association, which eventually merged with the Tanganyika African Association (TAA), which had been formed in 1929.[11] Nyerere received his teaching Diploma in 1947.[6] He returned to Tanganyika and worked for 3 years at St. Mary's Secondary School in Tabora, where he taught Biology and English. In 1949 he got a government scholarship to attend the University of Edinburgh and was the first Tanganyikan to study at a British university.[12][13] He obtained an undergraduate Master of Arts degree in Economics and History in 1952. In Edinburgh he encountered Fabian thinking and began to develop his particular vision of connecting socialism with African communal living.[14][15]

Political career

On his return to Tanganyika, Nyerere took a position teaching History, English and Kiswahili, at St. Francis' College, near Dar es Salaam.[15] In 1953 he was elected president of the TAA, a civic organisation dominated by civil servants, that he had been involved with while a student at Makerere University.[2] In 1954 he transformed TAA into the politically oriented Tanganyika African National Union (TANU).[2] TANU's main objective was to achieve national sovereignty for Tanganyika. A campaign to register new members was launched, and within a year TANU had become the leading political organisation in the country.[16][17]
Nyerere's activities attracted the attention of the Colonial authorities and he was forced to make a choice between his political activities and his teaching. He was reported as saying that he was a "schoolmaster by choice and a politician by accident".[18] He resigned from teaching and travelled throughout the country speaking to common people and tribal chiefs, trying to garner support for movement towards independence. He also spoke on behalf of TANU to the Trusteeship Council and Fourth Committee of the United Nations in New York. His oratory skills and integrity helped Nyerere achieve TANU goal for an independent country without war or bloodshed. The cooperative British governor Sir Richard Turnbull was also a factor in the struggle for independence. Nyerere entered the Colonial Legislative council following the country's first elections in 1958–59 and was elected chief minister following fresh elections in 1960. In 1961 Tanganyika was granted self governance and Nyerere became its first Prime Minister on 9 December 1961. A year later Nyerere was elected President of Tanganyika when it became a republic. Nyerere was instrumental in the union between the islands of Zanzibar and the mainland Tanganyika to form Tanzania, after theZanzibar revolution on 12 January 1964 which toppled the Sultan of Zanzibar Jamshid bin Abdullah. The coup leader, a stonemason from Lira, Uganda, named John Okello, had intended Zanzibar to join Kenya. Nyerere, unnerved by the Tanganyika Army mutiny a few days later, ensured that Okello was barred from returning to Zanzibar after a visit to the mainland.

Transformation into socialism

When in power, Nyerere implemented a socialist economic programme (announced in the Arusha Declaration), establishing close ties with Mao Zedong's China, and also introduced a policy of collectivisation in the country's agricultural system, known as ujamaa or "familyhood."
In 1967, nationalizations transformed the government into the largest employer in the country. The state expanded rapidly into virtually every sector. It was involved from everything from retailing to import-export trade and even baking. This created an environment ripe for corruption.[19]
The private sector suffered from multiplying cumbersome bureaucratic procedures and excessive tax rates.[19]Enormous amounts of public funds were misappropriated and put to unproductive use.[19] Purchasing power declined at an unprecedented rate and even essential commodities became unavailable.[19] A system of permits (vibali) allowed officials to collect huge bribes in exchange for the vibali.[19] Nyerere's policies laid out a foundation for systemic corruption for years to come.[19] The ruling party's officials became known as Wabenzi ("people of the Benz"), referring to their taste for Benz cars.
Collectivization was accelerated in 1971. Because the population resisted collectivisation, Nyerere used his police and military forces to forcibly transfer much of the population to collective farms.[20][21] Houses were set on fire or demolished, sometimes with the family's pre-Ujamaa property inside.[21] The regime denied food to those who resisted.[21] A substantial amount of the country's wealth in the form of built structures and improved land (fields, fruit trees, fences) was destroyed or forcibly abandoned.[21] Livestock was stolen, lost, fell ill, or died.[21]
In 1975 Tanzanian government issued the “ujamaa program” to send the Sonjo in northern Tanzania from compact sites with less water to flatter lands with more fertility and water; new villages were created to reap crops and raise livestock easier. This “villagization” (coined by W. M. Adams) encouraged the Sonjo to use modern irrigation techniques such as the ‘unlined canals’ and man-made springs (Adams 22-24). Given the diversion of water from the Kisangiro and Lelestutta Rivers by dams, river water can flow by canals into the irrigation systems to alleviate the hardships of smallholder farmers and livestock owners. <W. M. Adams, T. Potkanski and J. E. G. Sutton, “Indigenous Farmer-Managed Irrigation in Sonjo, Tanzania”, The Geographical Journal, Vol. 160, No. 1 (Mar., 1994), pp. 17–32, Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers)>
Farming practices towards tea and cloves had increased for subsistence farmers. By 1974 ujaama programs and the IDA (International Development Association) worked hand and hand; while villagization organized new villages to farm, the IDA financed projects to educate farmers to grow alternate crops and granted loans to farmers with added credit to small farmers (Whitaker 206). For example, only 3 tons of tea had been produced in 1964 yet by 1975, 2,100 tons of tea was the net output of smallholder farmers mostly by Nyerere’s policies have given the communal villages the opportunity to grow tea leaves despite the long history of tea being only grown in estates (208). Although these statistics come from the late 1970s, one may understand agricultural growth through reorganizing traditional farms and investing into non-staple agriculture (especially through educating farmers how to grow tea and improve farming methods. One may look upon another example of Tanzanian government’s extensive services in to train farmers to grow tobacco and improve farming methods, which aided significantly in tobacco yields 41.9 million pounds in 1975-1976. By 1976, Tanzania became the third largest tobacco cultivator in Africa (207). Therefore, when the Tanzanian government utilized extensive services in agriculture, they achieved positive results and crop yields’ growth, especially in tea and tobacco smallholder farming whose prices are cheaper for Tanzanian villages to consume than purchase products within the cities. <Donald P. Whitaker, “The Economy”, Tanzania: A Country Study, American University, Washington DC, 1978>
Food production plummeted and only foreign aid prevented starvation. Tanzania, which had been the largest exporter of food in Africa, become the largest importer of food in Africa.[22][23] Many sectors of the economy collapsed. There was a virtual breakdown in transportation. Goods such as toothpaste became virtually unobtainable.[22][23]
The deficit in cereal grains was more than 1 million tons between 1974 and 1977. Only loans and grants from the World Bank and the IMF in 1975 prevented Tanzania from going bankrupt. By 1979, ujamaa villages contained 90% of the rural population but only produced 5% of the national agricultural output.[24]
Nyerere announced that he would retire after presidential elections in 1985, leaving the country to enter its free market era — as imposed by structural adjustment under the IMF and World bank — under the leadership of Ali Hassan Mwinyi, his hand-picked successor. Nyerere was instrumental in putting both Ali Hassan Mwinyi and Benjamin Mkapa in power. He remained the chairman of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (ruling party) for five years following his presidency until 1990, and is still recognised as the Father of the Nation.
Nyerere left Tanzania as one of the poorest, least developed, and most foreign aid-dependent countries in the world.[4] Nevertheless, Nyere's government did much to foster social and economic development in Tanzania during its time in office At an international conference of the Arusha Declaration held in December 198, Nyere’s successor Mwinyi noted the social gains of his predecessor’s time in office: an increase in life expectancy to 52 years, a reduction in infant mortality to 137 per thousand, 2600 dispensaries, 150 hospitals, a literacy rate of 85%, two universities with over 4500 students, and 3.7 million children enrolled in primary school.[25]

Foreign policy


U.S. President Jimmy Carter, Julius Nyerere, and First Lady Rosalynn Carter, 1977
Nyerere's foreign policy emphasised nonalignment in the Cold War and under his leadership Tanzania enjoyed friendly relations with the People's Republic of China, the Soviet bloc as well as the Western world. Nyerere sided with the Chinese in the Sino-Soviet rivalry.

West German President Richard von Weizsäcker greets Julius Nyerere, 1985
Nyerere, along with several other Pan-Africanist leaders, founded theOrganisation of African Unity in 1963. Nyerere supported several militant groups active in African colonies, including the African National Congress(ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress(PAC) of South Africa, FRELIMO when it sought to overthrow Portuguese rule in Mozambique, and ZANLA in its warwith the Smith government ofRhodesia. From the mid 1970s on, along with President Kenneth Kaunda ofZambia, he was one of the leaders of the Front Line States which campaigned in support of black majority rule in southern Africa. In 1978 he led Tanzania in war with Uganda, defeating and exiling the government of Idi Amin.
Nyerere was instrumental in the Seychelles military coup in 1977, in which soldiers trained by Nyerere deposited the country's democratically elected president James Mancham and installed a repressive one-party regime.[26][27][28]
Nyerere claimed that homosexuality was alien to Africa and therefore it was right to have policies against it.[29]
He was criticised[by whom?] for his vindictive actions after unsuccessfully appealing to the Pan Africanist Congress to adopt dialogue and détente with Pretoria instead of armed revolution. He supported a leadership coup that installedDavid Sibeko but after Sibeko's assassination he crushed PAC resistance at Chunya Camp near Mbeya on 11 March 1980, when Tanzanian troops murdered[citation needed] and split up the PAC army into detention camps. Nyerere then pressured the Zimbabwe government to arrest and deport PAC personnel in May 1981. The PAC never recovered and despite rivalling the ANC from 1959–1981 quickly declined. Its Tanzanian controlled remnant gained only 1.2% in the South African freedom election of 1994.[citation needed]
Outside of Africa Nyerere was an inspiration to Walter Lini, Prime Minister of Vanuatu, whose theories on Melanesian socialism owed much to the ideas he found in Tanzania, which he visited. Lecturers inspired by Nyerere also taught at the University of Papua New Guinea in the 1980s, helping educated Melanesians familiarise themselves with his ideas.[citation needed]

Post-presidential activity

After the Presidency, Nyerere remained the Chairman of CCM until 1990 when Ali Hassan Mwinyi took over. Nyerere remained vocal about the extent of corruption and corrupt officials during the Mwinyi administration. He also blockedJakaya Kikwete's nomination for the presidency, citing that he was too young to run a country. Nyerere was instrumental in getting Benjamin Mkapa elected (Mkapa had been Minister of Foreign Affairs for a time during Nyerere's administration). Kikwete later became president in 2005.

Nyerere's portrait on the Tanzanian 1000 shilling note
In one of his famous speeches during the CCM general assembly, Nyerere said in Swahili "Ninang'atuka", meaning that he was pulling out of politics for good. He kept to his word that Tanzania would be a democratic country. He moved back to his childhood home village of Butiama in northern Tanzania.[10] During his retirement, he continued to travel the world meeting various heads of government as an advocate for poor countries and especially the South Centre institution. Nyerere travelled more widely after retiring than he did when he was president of Tanzania. One of his last high-profile actions was as the chief mediator in the Burundi conflict in 1996. He died in a London hospital of leukaemia on 14 October 1999.
Positions Held after Presidency: Chairman of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (1985–1990), Chairman of the independent International South Commission (1987–1990), and Chairman of the South Centre in the Geneva & Dar es Salaam Offices (1990–1999).
In January 2005 the Catholic diocese of Musoma opened a cause for the beatification of Julius Nyerere. Nyerere was a devout Catholic who attended Mass daily throughout his public life and was known for fasting frequently.
He received the Nehru Award for International Understanding in 1976, the Third World Prize in 1982, the Nansen Medal for outstanding services to Refugees in 1983, the Lenin Peace Prize in 1987, the International Simón Bolívar Prize in 1992, and the Gandhi Peace Prize in 1995. President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda awarded Nyerere the Katonga, Uganda's highest military medal, in honour of his opposition to colonialism and Idi Amin's government in 2007.[31]

Cultural influences

In the late 1960s, Nyerere criminalized "decadent" forms of culture such as soul music, unapproved films and magazines, miniskirts, and tight trousers.[32][33]
Nyerere continued to influence the people of Tanzania in the years following his presidency. His broader ideas of socialism live on in the rap and hip hop artists of Tanzania.[34] Nyerere believed socialism was an attitude of mind that barred discrimination and entailed equality of all human beings.[35] Therefore, ujamaa can be said to have created the social environment for the development of hip hop culture. Like in other countries, hip hop emerged in post-colonial Tanzania when divisions among the population were prominent, whether by class, ethnicity or gender. Rappers’ broadcast messages of freedom, unity, and family, topics that are all reminiscent of the spirit Nyerere put forth in ujamaa.[34] In addition, Nyerere supported the presence of foreign cultures in Tanzania saying, "a nation which refuses to learn from foreign cultures is nothing but a nation of idiots and lunatics...[but] to learn from other cultures does not mean we should abandon our own."[34] Under his leadership, the Ministry of National Culture and Youth was created in order to allow Tanzanian popular culture, in this case hip hop, to develop and flower. As a result of Nyerere’s presence in Tanzania, the genre of hip hop was welcomed from overseas in Tanzania and melded with the spirit of ujamaa.[citation needed]

Publications

  • Freedom and Unity (Uhuru na Umoja): A Selection from Writings & Speeches, 1952–1965 (Oxford University Press, 1967)
  • Freedom and Socialism (Uhuru na Ujama): A Selection from Writings & Speeches, 1965–1967 (Oxford University Press, 1968)
    • Includes "The Arusha Declaration"; "Education for self-reliance"; "The varied paths to socialism"; "The purpose is man"; and "Socialism and development."
  • Freedom and Development (Uhuru Na Maendeleo): A Selection from the Writings & Speeches, 1968-73 (Oxford University Press, 1974)
    • Includes essays on adult education; freedom and development; relevance; and ten years after independence.
  • Ujamaa — Essays on Socialism (1977)
  • Crusade for Liberation (1979)
  • Julius Kaisari (a Swahili translation of William Shakespeare's play Julius Caesar)
  • Mabepari wa Venisi (a Swahili translation of William Shakespeare's play – The Merchant of Venice)

See also

References

  1. ^ The Crisis (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People): 35, 1996
  2. ^ a b c Blumberg, Arnold (1995). Great Leaders, Great Tyrants?: Contemporary Views of World Rulers who Made History. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 221–222. ISBN 0-313-28751-1.
  3. ^ Hopkins, Raymond F. (1971). Political Roles In A New State: Tanzania's First Decade. Yale University Press. pp. 204. ISBN 0-300-01410-4.
  4. ^ a b Skinner, Annabel (2005). Tanzania & Zanzibar.New Holland Publishers. pp. 19. ISBN 1-86011-216-1.
  5. ^ "Morales Named "World Hero of Mother Earth" by UN General Assembly", Latin American Herald Tribune, retrieved 21 March 2010
  6. ^ a b Simon, David (2006). Fifty key thinkers on development. Taylor & Francis. pp. 193. ISBN 0-415-33790-9.
  7. ^ Clagett Taylor, James (1963). The political development of Tanganyika. Stanford University Press. pp. 95. ISBN 0-8047-0147-4.
  8. ^ Lawrence, David (2009). Tanzania: The Land, Its People and Contemporary Life. Godfrey Mwakikagile. pp. 58. ISBN 9987-9308-3-2.
  9. ^ Kantowicz, Edward R. (2000). Coming Apart, Coming Together. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. pp. 258. ISBN 0-8028-4456-1.
  10. ^ a b Kaufman, Michael T. (15 October 1999),"Julius Nyerere of Tanzania Dies; Preached African Socialism to the World", The New York Times, retrieved 26 March 2010
  11. ^ Mwakikagile, Godfrey (2006). Tanzania Under Mwalimu Nyerere: Reflections on an African Statesman. Godfrey Mwakikagile. pp. 21. ISBN 0-9802534-9-7.
  12. ^ Mwakikagile, Godfrey (2006). Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era. Godfrey Mwakikagile. pp. 575.ISBN 0-9802534-1-1.
  13. ^ Cross, Colin (1969). The fall of the British Empire, 1918–1968. Coward-McCann. pp. 306.
  14. ^ Adi, Hakim; Sherwood, Marika (2003). "Julius Kambarage Nyerere". Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787.Routledge. p. 147. ISBN 0-203-41780-1.
  15. ^ a b van Dijk, Ruud (2008). Encyclopedia of the Cold War, Volume 1. Taylor & Francis. pp. 880. ISBN 0-415-97515-8.
  16. ^ Kangsen, Muna (13 April 2007), "Happy Birthday Mwalimu", Daily News (Daily News Media Group), archived from the original on 27 September 2007, retrieved 21 March 2010
  17. ^ "Julius Nyerere". Encyclopædia Britannica's Guide to Black History. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc. Retrieved 21 March 2010.
  18. ^ Marshall, Julian (15 October 1999), "Julius Nyerere", The Guardian (Guardian Media Group), retrieved 30 march 2010
  19. ^ a b c d e f Rick Stapenhurst, Sahr John Kpundeh.Curbing corruption: toward a model for building national integrity. pp. 153–156.
  20. ^ Skinner, Annabel (2005). Tanzania & Zanzibar.New Holland Publishers. pp. 18. ISBN 1-86011-216-1.
  21. ^ a b c d e Philip Wayland Porter. Challenging nature: local knowledge, agroscience, and food security in Tanga.
  22. ^ a b Blair, David (May 10, 2006), "Africa in a nutshell", The Daily Telegraph
  23. ^ a b Lessons from Socialist Tanzania. Sven Rydenfelt. The Freeman. September 1986, Volume: 36, Issue: 9.
  24. ^ Meredith, Martin (2006). The fate of Africa: from the hopes of freedom to the heart of despair : a history of fifty years of independence. Public Affairs.ISBN 1-58648-398-6.
  25. ^ Mastering Modern World History by Norman Lowe
  26. ^ Military power and politics in black Africa. Simon Baynham. p. 181
  27. ^ Leonard, Thomas M. (2006). Encyclopedia of the Developing World, Volume 1. Taylor & Francis. pp. 1402. ISBN 0-415-97662-6.
  28. ^ Cawthra, Gavin; Du Pisani, André; Omari, Abillah H. (2007). Security and Democracy in Southern Africa. IDRC. pp. 143. ISBN 1-86814-453-4.
  29. ^ Chris Dunton, Mai Palmberg (1996). Human rights and homosexuality in Southern Africa. p.24
  30. ^ "Historical Note of the National University of Lesotho", National University of Lesotho, retrieved 26 April 2010
  31. ^ Olita, Reuben (10 July 2007), "Museveni honours Nyerere", The New Vision (New Vision Group), retrieved 21 March 2010
  32. ^ Allma, Jean Marie. Fashioning Africa: power and the politics of dress. pp. 108.
  33. ^ Skinner, Annabel (2005). Tanzania & Zanzibar.New Holland Publishers. pp. 17. ISBN 1-86011-216-1.
  34. ^ a b c Lemelle, Sidney J. (2006). "'Ni wapi Tunakwenda': Hip Hop Culture and the Children of Arusha". In Dipannita, Basu; Sidney J., Lemelle. The vinyl ain't final: hip hop and the globalization of black popular culture. Pluto Press. pp. 230–254. ISBN 0-7453-1940-8.
  35. ^ Keregero, Keregero (14 October 2005),"Mwalimu Julius Nyerere on Socialism", The Guardian (IPP Media), archived from the original on 22 February 2006, retrieved 21 March 2010

External links

Party political offices
New political partyChairman of TANU
1954 – 1977		Succeeded by
Himself as Chairman of CCM
Preceded by
Himself as Chairman of TANU		National Chairman of Chama Cha Mapinduzi
1977 – 1990		Succeeded by
Ali Hassan Mwinyi
Political offices
New titleChief Minister of Tanganyika
1960–1961		Succeeded by
Himself as Prime Minister of Tanganyika
Preceded by
Himself as Chief Minister of Tanganyika		Prime Minister of Tanganyika
1961–1962		Succeeded by
Rashidi Kawawa
Preceded by
Himself as Prime Minister of Tanganyika		President of Tanganyika
1962–1964		Succeeded by
Himself as President of Tanzania
Preceded by
Himself as President of Tanganyika		President of Tanzania
1964–1985		Succeeded by
Ali Hassan Mwinyi
Diplomatic posts
Preceded by
Mengistu Haile Mariam		Chairperson of the Organization of African Unity
1984-1985		Succeeded by
Abdou Diouf

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